The temporal sequence of texts and emergence of later Hindu deities

•February 4, 2007 • Leave a Comment

The idea here is not trace the history of Hindu deities to their proto-Indo-European past, but only to investigate their relative times of emergence and the chronology of the texts referring to them. Further, all Hindu texts including the vedic saMhitA-s are layered texts- that is they have material from different chronological strata. Yet well defined coherent chronological cores can be identified in them.

-In the vedic period one major transition, which might be termed the prajApati transition, is observed. The old vedic pantheon shared with the Iranians gained the first major addition in the form of the prajApati. There is no or hardly any mention of prajApati in any of the family maNDala-s. He appears first in the maNDala 10 in the hiraNyagarbha sUktaM. In the yajur veda he is again not prominent in the old core of the soma and fire-kindling rites. However, he is prominent in the canonized late shrauta ritual laid out in the YV and the associated gAnaM-s composed in the sAman collection. Thus, prajApati rises tremendously prominence through the canonization of the shrauta ritual and becomes very prominent in the brAhmaNa-s. In the brAhmaNa period we get the first hints of him challenging indra’s preeminent position.

-In the very late brAhmaNa period or late upaniShadic period we see hints of the rise of the two great gods of sectarian Hindu dharma – rudra and viShNu. This is observed in texts like the shvetAshvatara, maitrAyaNi brAhmaNa upaniShat, atharvashiras and nArAyaNa-valli.

-In the earliest post-vedic texts we see two new deities rise to prominence: kumAra and brahmA. Of these the four-headed brahmA is clearly a homolog of the vedic prajApati and shares numerous attributes with him. While there are some allusions to brahmA in the vedic hymns themselves, it is not immediately clear if in every context they imply brahmA as in the deity or the power of mantras brahman. In the atharva vedic tradition we find a mention of brahmA as “bhUtAnAm prathamaM”, in a late hymn used in shaunakIya kANDa homa. This supports the beginnings of prajApati as brahmA were in the late vedic world. He appears in the itihAsa-s in his full-blown form. The late vedic prajApati assumes forms like the fish and turtle which were later associated viShNu, but never associated with brahmA.

-kumAra appears in the late vedic texts: 1) nejameSha in the khila of the RV in connection to a rite performed in pumsavana. 2) skanda sanatkumAra the teacher of nArada in the chAndogya upaniShat. In both the earliest post-vedic texts rAmAyaNa and mahAbhArata is he is a prominent deity. The skanda-yaga of the atharva veda parishiShTha appears to be coeval with the rise of skanda in the itihAsas.

-Of the itihAsas the core of the rAmAyaNa appears clearly older (of course leaving out the uttara-kANDa). The former is mentioned by the bhArata not vice versa. Further, the prominence of indra is much greater in the rAmAyaNa, with him probably standing slightly ahead of brahmA in prominence. In the mahAbharata the decline of indra and the meteoric rise of viShNu and shiva has set in full scale.

-In both the itihAsa-s the trans-functional shakti as kAli or durga or the 8 mothers have a very limited presence or are non-existent. The first hints of this shakti in the classical form is seen in the harivaMsha as ekAnaMsha who is also vindhyavAsini. The trans-functional shakti-s precursors may be seen in the AsurI durgA of the atharvanic tradition (AsurI kalpa) and pratya~NgirA.

-The later layers of the mahAbhArata and the harivaMsha mark the beginnings of the rise of the proto-pA~ncharAtric pantheon of viShNu as kR^iShNa, balabhadra and associated manifestations of viShNu or avatAra-s. However, the full-blown dashAvatAra concept is not in place.

-The core bhAgavata purANa marks the emergence of rAmachandra as an avatAra of viShNu.

-The mArkaNDeya purANa marks the full-blow emergence of the trans-functional shakti and the 8 mothers (Though this might belong to the latest layer of the purANa).

-One of the biggest anchor points is the emergence of one of latest classical Hindu deities- the classical gaNesha. The texts containing the classical vinAyaka and those which do not thus mark a major chronological divide in the Hindu world. The itihAsa-s do not mention the classical gaNesha. vinAyaka-s of the 4-fold form emerge in the gR^ihya sUtra-s and the AV-parishiShTha, and allusion to these seizing vinAyaka-s are seen scattered in the mahAbhArata but they are distinct from the elephant-headed deity. The same seizing vinAyaka is mentioned in the mArkaNDeya purANa as a raudra-vighnarAT-perhaps marking the beginnings of his direct association with deva rudra. In the yAj~navalkya smArta prayoga-s the seizing vinAyaka-s are merged as one and is mentioned as being installed by rudra as a vighna-rAja. Here ambikA, the wife of rudra is also mentioned as his mother. This marks the first emergence of the prototype of the deity, though not mention of his elephant head is still made. But the classical gaNesha is clearly missing in the core bhAgavata purANa, mArkaNDeya purANa and harivaMsha. This suggests that the purANas as they survive today belong to two age categories- the older group that does not mention vinAyaka and the newer group where he is mentioned or is a prominent deity. kAlidAsa does not mention vinAyaka and hence appears to belong in age closer to the earlier group. In this period skanda was very prominent in northern India especially in centers like Mathura. Thus, it is quite clear that kAlidAsa did not live in the gupta (or worse paramAra court), but lived much earlier, prior to the common era. Thus, even the extant Hindu purANa-s represent a much longer tradition than commonly believed. Early iconography of classical vinAyaka shows him in the company of the 8 mothers, and this is first mentioned in the gobhila smR^iti. This suggests that that smR^iti is in the least coeval with these early images of gaNesha. The vinAyaka shAnti of the baudhAyana gR^ihya sheSha sUtra appears to belong to the period after the emergence of the classical gaNapati. The mAnava gR^ihya sUtra, arthashAstra, yAj~navAlkya smR^iti in contrast belong to an earlier period with with seizing vinAyaka graha-s.

TB 2.5.8.12

•February 2, 2007 • Leave a Comment

apaM bhumAnam upa naH sR^ijeha |
send down to earth, upon us the showers.
yaj~na pratitiShTha sumatau sushevA A tva |
You who are favorably established in this Sacrifice, the two well-disposed ones
vasUni purudhA vishantu |
entering many good forms repeatedly
dirgham Ayur yajamanaya kR^iNvan |
Make the life of the ritualist long.
adhAmR^itena jaritArama~ngdhi ||
Now annoint with nectar the reciter of praise
indraH shunAvad vitanoti sIram |
indra bearing the plow extends the furrow;
saMvatsarasya pratimaMam etat |
This is the year’s image.
arkasya jyotis-tad-id-Asa jyeShTham |
sun’s light is the best in this [world]
saMvatsaraGm shunavat sIram etat ||
This furrow of the plow is the year.
índrasya rAdhaH prayataM puru tmana |
Extend indra’s bounty multiple fold
tad arkarUpaM vimímAnam eti |
dvAdasAre pratitiShThatId vR^iShA ||
ashvAyanto gavyanto vAjayantaH |
havAmahe tvopaganta vA u |
AbhUShantas tvA sumatau navayam |
vayam indra tvA shunaGm huvema ||

Worth coming back

•January 31, 2007 • Leave a Comment


She said: “We return to that halcyon year and a half. When the son of Brinda was toiling relentlessly, fueled by testosterone and goaded by his crafty, parents we set out the seek the truth. Beyond the row of 3 shUdras were two: one a shUdra and one a brAhmaNa.”
I said: “We return indeed to that time in our walk. We were free, like never before and never after. We knew not fear like jaTAyu and sampAtI reaching for the sun. It was then that I standing on the broken wall of the larger kandUka prastha. I saw you strolling into to smaller kandUka prastha and headed downwards to meet you. With you were 4 others so we exchanged words in code as kApAlika-s do.”
She said: “Yes indeed! The vAta is blowing with pitiless fury. Sorrow and joy are but two pans of the balance. The wielder of the thunderbolt holds it aloft. Today into one pan he has cast a weight tomorrow in another he shall.”

We mounted our gardabha-s and moved towards the base of the imposing pinnacle of kaunDinya where the warm river washed the banks. With our legs in the shallow water we looked at the blue skies. We felt that link with bhArata, the land conquered by our ancestors, the waters, the sky, the mountains. We thought of the melody “somyam maa..” “hi-indrA…” came to the mind. We were talking of early archosauromorph cranial anatomy and of pterosaurs — so much of what we knew was to change. We feared that the unholy kIkaTa or the harmful dasyu would break into our reverie. So we together drew that yantra with the feather and placing a feather on it invoked kandhara, to repel rAkShasas. We also cast around us the yakSha-s and yakShinI-s of dreadful kShudra vidyA-s like virodhikA, R^ituhArikA and duHsaha, so that none may challenge us.

Thus, repelling the anindra-s we moved on experiencing the rasa-s that break down when emerging as words. We came back by passing through the senA-prastha, beside the vigha~NgamIra, the dasyu-shAla and the cleft in the mountain. We then enjoyed mahAbhoga of bhojana and having refreshed ourselves we proceeded to perform our studies on the water. We saw that yonder world before us. May we be conquerors of that world with all its beings we wished…. We still wish. We spoke again through the veil that separates us. We connected with guhyasomA and lost it again.

The killing of lomaharShaNa

•January 30, 2007 • Leave a Comment

The bhArgava mArkaNDeya told jaimini that he had no time to narrate to him lengthy tales as was his usual tradition, because he was starting his sacrificial satra and need to begin the specified oblations. Instead, he asked him to go the talking pelicans of the narmada to learn more tales. jaimini approached the brahminical pelicans in the cave in the lower vindhya-s splashed by the waters of the narmada to query them about the awful deeds of balabhadra. He was amazed to see 4 birds that were reciting mantra-s like vipra-s The pelicans having fanned jaimini to relieve him of the heat from his exertions in reaching their cave agreed to narrate to him the tales he wanted. They said:
“kR^iShNa has decided to side with the pANDavas and I cannot do much about it given his bond with arjuna. I think things can be done better. I will not go with duryodhana because my brother is on the other side. But king duryodhana is my dear student in the use of the gadA and I will not go against him under any condition. Thus thinking, balabhadra detached his army and went to dvAravati where he saw his people in great happiness and fed well. To relax he settled to have a bath a spring and the fair revatI placed a bowl of wine for him. Quaffing several bowls he and revatI became inebriated, and in joyous delight decided to go to the raivata park that he had set up for his enjoyment. Clasping the apsarA-like revatI he marched into the sylvan retreat in a stumbling walk along with his several girl-friends joining them with vAruNi beer and liquor. The park was glorious beyond description with all kinds of animals, trees and herbs. He in the pleasure-giving grip of revatI surrounded by the bevy of beautiful girls, with his sunanda pestle in hand, was admiring his grove. Their intoxication was accentuated by the sweet cacophony of cuckoos, grebes, tittiri-s, mynas, warblers, tailor birds, weaver birds, cranes, wood-peckers, shirkes, crows, parrots, bee-eaters, pheasants and peacocks flitting amongst mango, amalaka, kovIdara, ashoka, jackfruit trees and palms dotting the dvaraka sea-side, and water-lilies with broad leaves on the ponds. Enjoying various kAma-keli-s and krIDa-s with his girl-friends and wife he arrived a bower. There he saw group of learned bhArgava-s, vaishvAmitra-s, bharadvAja-s and gotama-s collecting glorious paurANic narratives of old times from the sUta lomaharShaNa. The brAhmaNas were clad in black antelope coats and seated on kusha grass seats with the sUta in their midst. Seeing saMkarShaNa swinging his pestle, with blood-shot eyes due to alcoholic inebriation the brAhmaNa-s were terrified and hastily rose up and saluted the rampaging kShatriya, but the sUta alone remained seated. baladeva flew into fit of fury and with his red eyes rolling swung his pestle and smashed the skull of the sUta to pieces. The brAhmaNa-s seeing this, fled in terror into the forest, laying a spell on him. balabhadra-s found his body developed a stench of blood that did not go away and immediately he realized he had committed a grave pApa and the displeasure of the vipra-s. To relieve himself of his sins he decided to go on a tirtha yatra culminating in pratiloma sarasvatI.”

A vidyA of atharvaNa-bhadra-kAlI

•January 29, 2007 • Leave a Comment

The atharvaN-s have several distinctive prescriptions of mantra prayoga-s for pratya~NgirA or atharvaNa-bhadrakAlI. One such is the mahAchaNDayogeshvarI vidyA. It is recommended only for those who study the AV, though no niyama or purashcharaNa is required for deployment.
pippalAda R^iShiH; Chando nAsti yajuShTvataH; atharvaNa-bhadrakAlI jayadurgA devatA |
OM bIjaM; hrIM shaktiH; jaye cha viniyogaH|
AM AM AM hR^idayAya namaH |
IM IM IM shirase svAhA |
UM UM UM shikhAyai vaShaT |
EM EM EM kavachAya huM |
AuM AuM AuM netra-trayAya vauShaT |
prekhaM astrAya phaT ||

AM AM AM a~NguShThAbhyAM namaH |
IM IM IM tarjanIbhyAM namaH |
UM UM UM madhyamAbhyAM namaH |
EM EM EM anAmikAbhyAM namaH |
AuM AuM AuM kaniShThikabhyAM namaH||
prekhaM karatalakara-pR^iShTAbhyAM namaH ||

dhyAnaM
shyAmAm-indu-dharAM devImA.a.a.tAmra-nayana-trayIm |
vAme rakta-kapAlaM cha trishUlaM dakShiNe tatha ||
kR^ishodarIM rakta-vastrAM pINa-stanIM nitambinIm |
padmasthAM yuvatIM dhyAyet smerA.a.asyAm-ati sundarIm ||
bhadrakAlIM mahAdevIM jayadAtrIM sushItalAM |
pujayed AsurI pIThe syustadA.a.avaraNAni cha ||

OM hrIM chaNDyogeshvarI ! phaT ! svAhA ! [for homa]
OM hrIM chaNDyogeshvarI ! phaT ! namaH ! [for pUja]

On the vedic sacrificial ritual and its Babylonian parallels

•January 27, 2007 • Leave a Comment

The mlechCha orientalists Dumont and Albright pointed to certain similarities between the Vedic sacrificial ritual and that found in Babylon. We revisit this to investigate if flow of memes between Eurasian civilizations can throw any light on the date and time of cultural interactions. The great ashvamedha, the high point of vedic ritual, definitely goes back to the early Indo-European past. In some form or the other it seen amongst different branches of Indo-Europeans, like the Celts, Romans, Germans Greeks, Iranians and Indo-Aryans. But as every other Indo-European tradition its pristine version with all the meaning-laden archaisms is found only in the vedic world and it continued to remain the symbol of the victorious Hindu kings (like pushyamitra shunga performing it after destroying the yavana-s in a great battle on the sindhu or vIra hammira performing it after destroying “1ooos of turuShkas”). The shukla-yajurvedic tradition quotes two ancient vipra-s, bhAllaveya and sAtyayaj~ni on the specifications of the sacrificial horse. Both of whom, despite their different opinions, state that the forehead of the ashvamedha horse should have markings resembling the kR^ittka (the Pleiades) on it: “kR^ittikA~njiH purastAt” (SB 13.4.2.1-4). kAtyAyana the inheritor of this shukla yajurvedic tradition describes the horse specifications in the kAtyAyana shrauta sUtra 20.1.29.36, and he also states that the horse should have a kR^ittikA mark (kR^ittikA~njiM vA). Now, the shukla yajurvedic mImAmsakas like karka, yAj~nikadeva and vidyAdhara who analyze the shrauta texts explain the sUtra of kAtyAyana “kR^ittikA~njiM vA” as shakaTa iva. This clearly shows they were meaning a mark like the Pleiades because their can described as shaped like a cart.
Coming to the Babylonian situation we find the mention of the horse sacrifice in a fragmentary cuneiform tablet from Assur. Middle-Eastern archaeologists generally believe that this tablet might approximately belong to a period around 1600 BCE. However a more detailed version of the Babylonian sacrificial ritual emerged from the tablets describing the bull-sacrifice that come from Erech, Nineveh and Assur from 300-800 BCE. The former text mentions the deities Shamash, Adad and Marduk and the latter Bal, Ningizzida, Lumha and twelve gods for whom offerings are laid out. In these sacrificial ritual texts some parallels between the Mesopotamian animal-sacrifices and the ashvamedha can be found. The Babylonian ritual experts describe that the bull should not be injured due to whipping or lashing and should be complete and whole and colored black. It is examination is much like that of the horse in the ashvamedha. Interestingly on its forehead its either recommended to have or not have (depending on the interpretation offered by Dumont and Albright) a mark like the Pleiades. The original recommendation was likely to have been to have such a mark, because negation of such a precise mark seems to be unusual, unless there was originally a precedence for this. This is also supported by the tablet on the horse sacrifice that describes a horse sacrifice and mentions the Pleiades-like marking on the forehead of the sacrificial horse. The commonality of the mark associated with the sacrificed animal is not the only shared feature. There are few other elements that might be considered similar:
In the vedic ritual the following account is given: The adhvaryu starts making 3 offerings of puroDAsha-s to savitar on 12 kapAlas each. While these offerings are being made a brAhmaNa sits on the southern side of the vedi and starts sing gAtha-s describing the dAna-s and yAga-s performed by the rAjan. Then the dhR^iti oblations of 4 ladles of ghee are made by the adhvaryu with the mantras beginning with”iha dhR^itir svAhA…”. At his point a kShatriya sings gAtha-s describing the martial victories of the rajan against his foes that have led him to the path of the ashvamedha. The adhvaryu then mutters into the right ear of the horse along with the yajamAna the mantra “vibhUr mAtrA…” :Strong by your mother, powerful by your father, you are a horse, you are a steed, you are a runner, you are a male, you are a strong horse, you are a racer, you are powerful, you are a stallion, you are heroic; ‘goer’ is your name; follow the course of the Aditya-s.

Then in the vedic setting the horse is purified by sprinkling water with with the mantra “adbhyastva…” given oblations from the night sacrifice to eat and given water to drink with the mantra “apAM peruH…”. Horse is made to stand on a large piece of cloth and the agnIdhra goes around it with a fire brand and finally it is smothered.

In the Mesopotamian ritual the following account is given (From the Nineveh and Assur tablets):
Twelve linen cloths are laid on 12 bricks for the 12 gods. On them are offered meat of sacrificed sheep, libations of beer, wine and milk, and grains are strewn. Then a brick is laid for the deity Lumha and on that meat of sheep, beer, wine and milk libations are made. Then through a reed pipe the priest whispers an incantation into the right ear of the bull [in the Nineveh and Erech tablets] or the horse [Assur]: “O great bull, who roams on the holy pasture, increasing fertility, who tills the grain, who makes the field happy, with my pure hands I offer and oblation before you”. A similar incantation is then recited into the left ear in the Babylonian case: O bull are the offspring of Zuu, you are you are for ritual and litany, you are for Ningizzida for ever, the ordinance of heaven and earth are fixed, you go to Lumha, you go to Bal. In the Assur tablet the statement is made to the horse to go to draw the chariot of Marduk [even in the vedic rite at one point the hotar recites a mantra "yu~njanti bradhnam aruSham..." which implies the horse is assigned to the chariot of indra].

In the Mesopotamian rite to the animal has a mouth washing rite with water being given to it, it is sprinkled with scented water, with incense and a fire they circle it, make it stand on a mat and then kill it with an axe while the incantation “dilmun nigin-na…” is recited.

While the fine points are different, there are similarities in the broad details of the sacrificial ritual: The marking of Pleiades on the animal, the style of laying of offering to the gods, the fertility element with respect to the sacrificed animal, the recitation in the ear addressing the animal, the acts surrounding the ritual slaughter. These elements suggest that they might indeed have developed due to contact or at least inspired by observation of ritual. Now the horse sacrifice was very early ancient amongst the Indo-Europeans and it is likely that it came with the Indo-Iranians to the Middle East. The Pleiades mark has great significance amongst Indo-Aryans of the yajur vedic period. When the horse is said to have a Pleiades mark on the forehead and is said to “AdityAnAm patvAnv ihi” (follow the path of the Aditya-s), it ties in with the fact that in the yajur vedic period the nakShatra-cycle began with kR^ittika-s. The horse roamed for an year, thus simulating the path of the sun (the solar divinities Aditya-s) that is an year. Its head bearing kR^ittika-s on it possible made it stand for the year, who is also prajapati with which the sacrifice is identified, with the kR^ittika-s at the head. Given that the old Babylonian calender also had the kR^ittika-s, i.e their equivalent “harrAn Sin” as the first constellation of their proto-Zodiac, it is not unlikely that in their early days were able to appreciate the kR^ittikA mark on the sacrificial animal.

This ritual similarity adds to the well-know similarity in terms of archaeological motifs between coeval Indian and Mesopotamian sites, as well as evidence for trade between India and Mesopotamia (The karpAsa word).

Raised by bAlA and dattAtreya-II

•January 27, 2007 • Leave a Comment

A great nAtha yogi who worshiped dattAtreya was eating curds and saw a boy roaming on the field. He offered the boy the curds but he refused, and it fell on his feet. He told him: “if you had eaten the curds you would have lived long and become the king of the world but now in your relatively short life where ever you set foot you will conquer. This curds is imbued with the might of dattAtreya.” The boy’s parents nara-bhUpAla and kaushalyavatI initiated him into the 3-syllabled bAlA mantra and asked him perform its japa. His father had already attained mantra siddhi of the hallowed ShoDaShI. For 24 years he performed its japa and he finally attained siddhi of it. He was given the signal by the ever youthful nityAShoDaShikA, the mistress of the 3-syllabled mantra, that he was destined for greatness. Prior to that, as a young man, he went to Bhaktapur, where he began his intense sAdhana after his nine fold krama dIkSha. This led him to attain the grace of the queen of kubjIshAna, the mistress of the the paschimAmnAya. Then he also attained the grace of our goddess, the dreadful mother of the uttarAmnAya. The devI worshiped in the kumArI gave him the prasAda instead of the rAjan. It immediately became clear that pR^ithivI nArAyaNa shAha deva was to be the rAjan. He traveled to vArANasI and there performed a rite to uttarAmnAyeshvarI as siddha-lakShmI and pratya~NgirA. As a result he was able to mysteriously raise money and use to purchase first-class modern weapons from India and also obtain first hand intelligence on the designs of the East India Company and the subversive role of Catholic missionaries. He then arranged a variety of alliances with the neighboring Indian rulers and prepared on a large-scale for the unification of Nepal.

-In his first strike pR^ithivI nArAyaNa conquered Nuwankot and attacked Kirtipur. In the battle with teja narasimha the king of Patan who controlled the town he was almost killed. But his mantra prayoga came to his aid and saw him through.
-After two failures to take Kirtipur he sacked Lamji in a fierce battle, where the power of the war machine of pR^ithivI nArAyaNa became first apparent.
-He then sacked Kirtipur after a six month siege and surged towards Patan. But a British army attacked him from the rear.
-He cornered the Britons in the Tarai, where they were put to flight by a sudden strike.
-King jayaprakasha malla of Kathmandu sought the help of captain Kinloch who marched with the British army into Nepal. In the battle of Sindhuli, pR^ithivI nArAyaNa smashed the Britons and beheaded the captain.
-He then entered Kathmandu during the indra-dhvaja festival took the throne of the rAjan. He received the prasAda from the devI invoked into the kumArI, and was declared rAjan. The king of kAThmaNDu jayaprakAsha malla fled in terror.
-Then he moved on Makawanpur, whose ruler digbandhan sena sought the aid of the Jihadi adventurer Gurgin Khan to repulse pR^ithivI nArAyaNa. However, Moslems were put to sword and Makawanpur was taken. In the battle pR^ithivI nArAyaNa captured a rich haul of ammunition.
-He then conquered Bhadgaon from rAjA raNajit and Patan from teja narasimha and put them to flight .
-By 1773 he overran the whole of Eastern Nepal driving and defeating the Kiratas.
-Thus, did pR^ithivI nArAyaNa unify the kingdom of Nepal. Realizing the danger of Christian subversionists he drove out all Jesuit missionaries and British agents from his kingdom and upheld the Hindu dharma. In his court was a noted tantric bhagavantanAtha, who was a master of haTha yoga, and performed many notable tantric prayoga-s.

He initiated his eldest son pratApa siMha into the tantric lore. pratApa siMha compiled all this knowledge into the great tantric digest the purashcharyArNava.
~*~*~
R1’s ancestor had associated with pR^ithivI nArAyaNa during his visit to vArANasi and went to Nepal along with him. They thus obtained access to an inner circle with the rAjan with a krama dIkSha of the derived form uttarAmnAya worship . This krama involves the worship of : 1) siddha-lakShmI 2) guhyakAlI 3) mahAbhIma-sarasvatI, 4) dhUmrA, 5) kAmakalAkAlI, 6) mahAkAlI, 7) kapAlinI, 8) mahAsmashAnakAlI, 9) kAlasaMkarShiNI, 10) pratya~NgirA, 11) kAlarAtrI, 12) yogeshI, 13) siddhabhairavI, 14) dakShiNA, 15) ChinnamastA, 16) rAjarAjeshvarI 17) saptakoTeshvarI.

 
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