An acquaintance recently asked us if we remembered the famous goroga attacks in the mahāmleccha lands. We had to confess that they were hardly the top thing on our mind, though we had repeatedly thought of those attacks at the beginning of the pandemic. He said that he had seen a recent presentation on it by the journalist Harivana, who had helped the momentous revelations of Himaguha see the light of day. He wondered if we might rethink our position on the Wuhan disease after seeing it. We told him that while the Wuhan corruption had become a matter of personal faith for many, we did think there was something of a “conspiracy” with regard to the goroga incident. Harivana is not a good guy from the H perspective but has exposed mleccha evildoing on several occasions. Hence, we went and watched Harivana’s presentation on the goroga scare and felt the urge to put down a few words regarding that sordid episode which we experienced from close quarters.
It was the time when the duṣṭa-s Gucchaka and Vakrās held sway over the mleccha-s with a court of mahāśaṭha-s known as the neocons. Then, as the summer of 2001 was drawing to a close, their former friends, the marūnmatta-s, turned against them and literally struck them out of the blue, killing nearly 3000 people. Even the mighty Yamato’s bombers had only reached the distant outpost of Hawaii, but the shaikhs literally hit the rājadhāni-s of the mahāmleccha on that day. It was a landmark moment in the history of our age and signaled that the lokapraśamanam the mahā-mleccha had achieved after the overthrow of the Soviet Rūs empire had been challenged. Barely a week had passed since the marūnmatta assault on the mleccha heartland when a new round of terror swept through the country. Mysterious letters spiked with a powder bearing the gorogānābhika were sent to many addresses, mostly on the East Coast of Madhyamleccha-varṣa, over a period of around two months. The end result was the death of 5 people, with 17 others taken ill — several with lingering aftereffects. Some believe that this is the official count, but several more were probably infected and affected by it. As Harivana correctly stated, we clearly recall that it resulted in a period of immense terror. At least the marūnmatta attacks were directed at specific sites, but here the agent of death was coming right to people’s homes via the mail. Thus, no one felt safe as the reports of those attacks started spreading around. People were very gingerly in collecting their mail with gloves on as the information spread that residues of the rogānābhika were found not far from where they lived or worked. Then, almost exactly an year after the goroga terror, a new marūnmatta terror broke out at the mahāmleccha rājadhānī in the form of the two kṛṣṇa gunners.
The net result of all these was to make the mahāmleccha public acquiesce to any plan their mahāśaṭha court might have in terms of military campaigns in far-away lands. Indeed, the goroga attacks were accompanied by handwritten notes that made them appear as if they had been launched by marūnmatta-s from West Asia. Just after the 9/11 attacks, we recall that a duṣṭa-āṅglaka online operative, whom several stupid H mistook to be a friend, was priming people on online forums about the possibility of biowarfare by the marūnmatta-s and dropping hints about Eye-rack. We wondered how he knew what the rākṣasa-sādhaka-s’ intentions were, even before the dust of the towers had settled. Thus, when the goroga attacks began, we had the first hints that something strange might be afoot. Not surprisingly, we soon saw misinformation deliberately fed by the court to their “journalist” puppets pinning the attacks on Saddam Hussein of Iraq, whom the mleccha-s had been long wanting to overthrow and kill. Most of the mleccha populace naively believed this claim. However, from early in the attack, some microbiologists were pointing out that this was likely an inside job. Despite the journalistic “leaks” screaming “Sadaaam” and “WMD”, even the mahāmleccha-praṇidhi-s could not hide the truth for long — it was their own strain of goroga — something they had been developing for long as a biowarfare agent. This was distinct from the strain the Mahāmleccha had given Saddam when they were still friends. Hence, they tried to frame one of their own physician-researchers. While he was a person with some dubious or even fraudulent tendencies, he was entirely exonerated of any role in the goroga attack and paid reparations. Subsequently, after many years of fruitless investigations, they pinned the crime on another of their own men, Ivins, whom they had earlier recruited to study the gorogānābhika behind the attacks. He conveniently committed suicide just before they were to arrest him, and no autopsy was performed on his corpse.
We lost track of this case after it became clear that their earlier man was not responsible. Our interest was briefly revived after we heard that Ivins had committed suicide — this sounded so fishy that many possible scenarios could be constructed around it. In any case, we had no good evidence to favor one or the other. Moreover, the press made sure that it dropped out of the news cycle rather quickly. In essence, it was not a marūnmatta attack and a thing of the past; hence, it did not deserve time on air. Interestingly, a little before that, a former student and a mūlavātūla wanted our assistance in studying the gorogānābhika for the latter’s commercial venture as he was flush with the money that was being doled out for such things in the aftermath of the attacks. Due to the bindings on us and our lack of interest in things that would not lead to published research, we declined to participate. However, a few years later, the said mūlavātūla came to ask us to mentor a relative. At that point, I asked him about his gorogānābhika venture. He responded that he had made some money out of it though his product was never commercialized, and our former student had moved on with that expertise to study rogāṇu-s, such as the C-harimāṇa-rogāṇu and the dreadful vīparīta-granthi-rogāṇu that periodically breaks out in Kṛṣṇadvīpa. He then added that he had been consulted by a mūlavātūla-vṛddha (also our acquaintance) on a report on the antaḥ praṇidhi’s claims that Ivins was their man. He went on to describe that Ivins had some serious graha-roga that triggered his svahatyā, but in no way could he be uncontroversially implicated by the data of the praṇidhi-s and daṇḍaka-s as the perpetrator.
Piqued by this, we examined the report and since then have spoken to some of its authors. While we are not in a position to paraphrase what they said, and several years have elapsed since the first of those conversations, what we can say is that they did not seem convinced by the case. The evidence that the antaḥ praṇidhi-s had gotten their man was slim at best and likely false. Indeed, as Harivana, a lawyer, said in his presentation, it might simply not have survived in court. Hence, we have to plainly fall back on one of the “conspiracy theories”: (1) We all know that śaṭha-sabhā, with the evil Vakrās as their titular head, was long wanting to wage war on a number of nations and overthrow their leaders. One of these was Iraq, and the other is the Rūs. (2) They believed that with the fall of Rūs power, they had no challengers for their adventures. Thus, they began their ventures with support for the marūnmatta-s against the Rūs ally, the Serbs, and saw that the weakened Rūs could simply do nothing. They had been itching to do the same in West Asia — the idea was that they could protect their prathamonmatta guru-s and allies by “taking out at least seven countries” and redrawing the map of that region. (3) The śaṭha-sabhā was willing to come up with outrageous plans. These included ridiculous ideas (though this was not put into action) of bombing places in South America in response to 9/11, evidently as a signal to those in West Asia. This meant that there was always the danger of outrageous action from a small motivated band within their gang. This is an important point for developing a hypothesis for what happened. (4) They were waiting for an excuse to exert near-total control on the American population to play along with their plans.
Given this background, the marūnmatta attack on 9/11 was the perfect opportunity for the mahā-śaṭha-sabhā that surrounded Gucchaka. However, they knew that even on the eve after the attacks (as we saw ourselves), people were still going to restaurants and enjoying a good meal and going about with their lives. They wanted to impress on them a real sense of fear so that they would play along with their plans in West Asia. The way out was to imprint the terror in the minds of the populace — what could be better for that than the goroga attack? Hence, it is not impossible that a deep insider of the śaṭha-sabhā with a psychopathic streak or a rogue but deep-state-backed praṇidhi let the attacks happen either by deliberately green-lighting them or by prematurely lifting an inhibitory check on plans that were already in place. We would reiterate that the operation was probably intended more to cause mass fear than mass death. If this were the case, then it would not be in the interest of the śaṭha-sabhā (=deep state) to let the public know the truth about this. In fact, in such a scenario, the events would have likely unfolded along the lines they did.
We know this sounds outrageous, but this is why we are willing to entertain it as a possibility: (1) While we are not an expert on this matter, the weaponization of the amount of gorogānābhika used in the attack was no ordinary task for a microbiologist. After all, it was a very fine-grade powder in the league of the best mahāmleccha or Rūs weaponizations. There is no evidence that the accused was directly handling such weaponized samples that could not be easily reproduced by other experts post facto. (2) The packages were sent in such a way as to limit damage rather than produce a larger number of casualties (e.g., clearly stating what the agent was) while at the same time producing terror in the population. (3) The number of “leaks” claiming a link to Saddam and his bentonite, well before the long investigation concluded, was striking (a point also emphasized by Harivana). This went along with an extensive discussion of Saddam’s “germ labs.” (4) The inept leak implicating the “person of interest” who was then exonerated. (5) The number of years spent on the case without a conclusive identification of the perpetrator. This is particularly strange given the resources and the capabilities of the antaḥ praṇidhi-s in other cases. (6) The general disinterest on the part of the antaḥ praṇidhi-s and daṇḍaka-s in following up and vigorously defending their choice of the suspect in the media. Given the significance of the case and the terror that arose from it, one would have expected more, especially if it had been a real domestic vibhīṣaka. In conclusion, the real and full story was likely purposely hidden from the public.
Like our interlocutor above, one may ask, if we are willing to allow this much with the goroga case, why not do the same for the Middle Kingdom corruption? Hence, before going on with more significant things, we will briefly repeat our position on it with the hindsight of 3.5 years. We still believe that the evidence in favor of the Wuhan condition being caused by a virus designed or deployed as a biowarfare agent is weak. Hence, we continue to look at it as a zoonosis. It is notable that the Cīna researchers themselves had mentioned in print in their pre-pandemic studies on coronaviruses that they expected other zoonoses like SARS to emerge in their midst. However, certain things are clear. First, the Cīna-s have a poor track record of laboratory safety, as was seen with the first SARS itself. Second, we cannot entirely rule out the possibility that the Cīna-s had brought infected animals to their institute or had already managed to cultivate the virus there as part of their well-known ongoing research on coronaviruses. Therefore, it cannot be ruled out that the infection began from their lab personnel or improperly disposed non-human lab animals. That said, as we have repeatedly pointed out, Galtonism played a major role in how the pandemic played out thereafter. It is this Galtonism that has been covered up, bringing memories of the goroga incident. It is clear that the mahāmleccha academics and also a section of their security state have deep-rooted Galtonistic impulses going back to the mahāpāpin mūlagrasta Cumbaka. This meant that they were more than happy to contract out, encourage and participate in virological studies with the Wuhan and other Cīna labs. They were confident that they would be treated well in return for this generous help. However, what they received in return was typical Cīna perfidy.
That apart, we think that the handling of the pandemic, the overthrow of the Picchilaka and the subsequent war between the Rūs and the Mahāmleccha have some underlying thematic connections to the way the goroga incident was handled. We can see a parallel of the plot to confuse the public and make it forget momentous incidents on multiple occasions. The first was that of Vyādhapiṇḍaka’s saṃkalanaka, which revealed serious damaging facts about their man Piṇḍaka. The Nāriṅgapuruṣa would have almost certainly edged past him had that not been covered up. Not only did the antaḥ praṇīdhi-s and bahiḥ praṇidhi-s cover it up, but they also imputed the blame of faking it on the Rūs, thus connecting the two strands of their action. This deprived the Picchilaka of a potent heti to put the duṣṭa-s in place while simultaneously taking the sheen off him as a Rūs agent. Even after Vyādhapiṇḍaka’s antics were shown to be real, the mainstream media quickly took it out of the news cycle, just as with the supposed perpetrator of the goroga affair. The revelations coming from Bhūtipiṇḍakī’s writing were squelched even more quickly by the action of the antaḥ praṇidhi-s. Finally, when the investigative report was published showing the faking by the antaḥ praṇidhi-s (some of the same guys involved in the goroga affair), that too was quickly buried by the MSM along with all the śīśśabdakāra-s.
This closely relates to the duṣkarmāṇi of the śaṭha-cakra centered on Ṣiḍgapatnī in sparking the war with the Rūs. Just like the stories about the legendary WMDs, the Niger yellow cake, “bioterror” labs, and deadly gases (in part supplied by the Āṅglaka-s) of Saddam Hussein, they now started circulating stories about the evils of the Rūs and the Rūsrāṭ. Not just that they presented the Rūs as controlling the mahāmleccha population via their asset (the Picchilaka) in the Śvetālaya itself. The facilitators of this program were some of the same guhyacakra involved in the Eye-rack fiasco and the goroga messaging. The same thing came up in the śyāmajīva and kālāmukha rebellions that they incited to bring down Vijayanāma-vyāpārin. In certain satellite countries of the mahāmlecca world, where nālika-s are not widespread, they used a similar tactic to enforce public containment during the pandemic.
When one compares these actions with the goroga and Eye-rack incidents, one sees a striking commonality. It typically involves the following steps: (1) creation of a favored narrative they wish to plant among the people. It typically goes against the instinct of the masses or aims to incite a deep fear or division in them. (2) It is given an official guise via “leaks” that appear to come from the sources the mleccha-s were trained to respect. When the hastin-s ruled the roost, the masses and also the judges and prosecutors were trained to become cop-/soldier-worshiping zombies who would readily violate their own constitution at the first sight of a uniform and an officially issued nālika in the upholster. This was the mleccha world that the śaṭha-cakra had in hand to manipulate through diverging messaging. Thus, by leaking via one of the “uniformed” praṇidhi institutions, they knew they could get a sizable part of the masses to believe. (3) This is then repeated ad nauseum by their outward-facing network — politicians and MSM entirely — or taken out of the new cycle by the latter, depending on what they want. For instance, the phrase that the Nāriṅgapuruṣa was “a Russian asset” or “dangerous” or as bad as the “hādi-śūlapuruṣa” was repeated non-stop by everyone from ṣiḍgapatnī down to the lowest MSM operative all through the day. On the other hand, if it was Vyādhapiṇḍaka-s machine or the condition of Paḍbīśapuruṣa or of Piṇḍaka himself, then they enforce pin-drop silence. (4) At the higher level, this enforcement is handed over to their newfound allies, the mahāduṣṭa-s like guggulu, mukhagiri, bejha-khalvāṭa, jāketyādi on the tech side and kṛṣṇādri-phuka, agrabhaṭa, sora and the like on the monetary side. (5) On the ground, it is handed over to the chagnyamukha-s and the pogaṇḍasenā. This in essence, is the that was accidentally exposed during a similar attack engineered by the same forces on the H.
Thus, the incidents of the past are relevant to our times because they help us understand the śaṭha-cakra running the mahāmleccha state. One should have no delusions about its destructive intentions not just among the mleccha-s but all around the world. Its old objectives, such as the destruction of the Rūs, now dovetail with its “spiritual” pursuit — the spreading of navyonmāda throughout the world. The zeal here is in every way comparable to the zeal with which they pushed pretonmāda earlier and the marūnmatta-s pushed their cult. They would also not shy away from comparable brutality in that endeavor, albeit cloaked in the pieties befitting the current world. H as svabhāvavairin-s of their Weltanschauung will unsurprisingly be one of their biggest external targets after the Rūs. Hence, no efforts will be spared to drive in the largest explosive charges through the big open gates in the Indian constitution manned by a pliant judiciary even as the election draws near. This will align with the increasingly desperate measures by the dūṣita-māśa to provoke an attack by the Rūs.