The dynamics of the establishment of the counter-religious unmāda-s are of some interest. The pūrvonmāda of pharaoh Akhenaten arose from the moha in his own head and was imposed on the populace due to his imperial power. It was quickly erased by the actions of his successors Tutankhamen, Ay and Horemheb and it never was able to take root. The mūlavātaroga seems to have spread rapidly within a tightly-knit ethnic group and soon evolved into an in-group marker. Hence, there was selection against it breaking out into the rest of the populace because its value to the in-group would then be lost. However, by being a strong in-group marker, it tenaciously persisted by maintaining in-group cohesion during military expeditions and raids against out-groups and became the incubator for the future unmāda-s. An infective variant of it first broke out into the general population in the form of pretonmāda. In the early days, pretonmāda appears to have been comparable to the mūlarug, providing an in-group marker for some “good-for-nothings”. However, it acquired several memes from other natural religions in the environs during this period, making it a stronger competitor. Armed with this expanded memome, it conquered the Romans through a less-appreciated strategy of subterfuge, martyr-creation and elite capture (see below). Once in power, it quickly expressed that anti-outgroup militant tendency inherited from its parent strain on a much larger scale. After a period of expansion via this virulent mode, it oscillated between explosive virulence (e.g., South America, Africa and Goa) and its earlier mode of creeping person-to-person infection (e.g., Andhra).
The same meme-complex was transferred to the marusthala resulting in marūnmāda, which codified “spread by any means” as a duty of every adherent. Indeed, the learned māhāmada Ibn Khaldun clearly explains in his Muqaddimah that it is the obligate duty of a marūnmatta to convert everyone to the unmāda by missionary activity or force. He then goes on to add that whereas this is an explicit duty of the marūnmatta-s, it is only an incidental or localized activity among the pretonmatta-s or ādivātūla-s (M 1.473-474). While he might be correct regarding the latter, the former, in reality, are closer to his own. Nevertheless, the fact that he explicitly mentions this as a feature of marūnmāda distinguishing it from the other unmāda-s suggests that it has always been more “in the face” with them. Ibn Khaldun had also emphasized the need for a strong power, like the ruler, to enforce the sharia once the Adyunmatta dies because it is this enforcement of sharia that keeps the people doing the “right thing” from which their natural tendency is to lapse (M 1.472). Ibn Khaldun himself furnishes the example of a North African woman from the Jewish priestly caste, who, distant from the ekarākṣasa core, reverted to a semi-natural religion and as a magician queen. Uniting various tribes, she valiantly blocked the advance of the rākṣasa-senā until the Ghāzī-s eventually beheaded her and her skull was gifted to the Khalif. Thus, the marūnmāda thinkers clearly understood that unmāda-s are maintained by internal and external enforcement programs, without which they can break down and disappear.
Coming to the present
These aspects of marūnmāda reemerged in the secular rudhironmāda that in turn arose out of the matrix of “enlightenment values”, dear to the deluded secular mleccha-s, which itself was a counter-religion to the older prathamonmāda-pretonmāda matrix. While rudhironmāda inherited its claims for secularity from the “enlightenment values”-roga and turned its back to the ethnoreligious mūlavātula-śūlapuruṣīya roots, in its attempt at universality, it followed marūnmāda and pretonmāda. On the one hand, this allowed it to be easily transmitted and embraced by people as diverse as the prathamonmatta-s, śūlapuruṣa-s, the Rus, the Vāṅga-s, the Cera-s, and as an outer coat by the Cīna-s. On the other, as we shall discuss below, its secular universality proved to be its undoing. At its peak, rudhironmāda was held up by the Soviet Rus in the great conflict with the Anglosphere and its vassals. However, at the end of that struggle, the Soviet empire collapsed, and rudhironmāda failed in its grand geopolitical objectives. While it failed as a geopolitical force, it quietly thrived for more than half a century in the fertile breeding grounds of the Anglospheric academia, especially among the Mahāmleccha. There, it underwent a series of mutations before eventually emerging as navyonmāda.
What rudhironmāda lacked was the religious facade of pretonmāda and rākṣasonmāda, and this was a serious downside. While both rudhironmāda and the overt unmāda-s struggled against natural religions, the latter were at least able to offer themselves as the ultimate alternative, i.e., the “only true religion”. However, rudhironmāda was not able to give anything of that kind. As a parallel, one could consider the case of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk — he took the Turks out of marūnmāda. Had he reintroduced the religion of the Tengri-s, the Turks of Turkey might have been a cured people. However, he failed to offer a different religion in its place after removing marūnmāda, and sometime later, they returned to it with a vengeance. A similar phenomenon happened to varying degrees in the marūnmatta states conquered by the Soviets. While it is not apparent to the casual observer, navyonmāda eventually corrected this critical fault of its rudhironmāda parent — the religious vacuum. Navyonmāda neither set out to do this consciously nor did it converge on it right away or in any conscious way. Instead, these features emerged organically via selection within the movement to fill in the vacuum of religiosity created by the earlier rudhironmāda within the Mahāmleccha academia. Navyonmāda gradually evolved this feature over the period from the 1980s to the 2020s. In many ways, navyonmāda resembled the religiosity of the saṃgha of the sugata with its veda-virodhaka tendencies when it exploded as a potential religion for a section of the anglospheric elite and their arborizations in vassal states of the larger leukosphere.
While the religious facet of navyonmāda helped it replace pure rudhironmāda, this aspect also created the foundations for their seizing power by creating both in-group solidarity and the ever-correcting “purge of deviations or moderation” as in marūnmāda. Coming out of academia and originally filled with lots of socially low-ranked, physically unfit individuals, outright warfare was not an option for it to capture power. Instead, it tread on a path very similar to pretonmāda in its early days of elite capture. When Gucchaka was the emperor, and the marūnmatta-s attacked the Mahāmleccha in their big strike, there was a huge surge of military and nationalist sentiment. The result was an attack on several rudhironmatta academics, as well as moderates, who now organized under the banner of navyonmāda. Gucchaka’s neo-con handlers, headed by his deputy duṣṭa Vakrās, the matta Āṇi, and the prathamonmatta-s, squandered the swelling nationalism of the mleccha-s by engaging in the useless invasion of Iraq. That was followed by throwing away a chance to normalize relations with the marūnmatta-occupied Iran, and more troubles emerged for the mleccha-s. Duṣṭa Gucchaka also set up a police state within state, and to date, unironically rationalizes it to the Mahāmleccha by saying that it is a “reminder” of the comfort they can feel. This police state, along with the financial crisis which followed, strengthened the hands of the rising navyonmatta-s when Ardhakṛṣṇa became emperor of the Mahāmleccha confederation. While in part unhinged or even evil, the cara-s like Himaguha, Harijaṅgala (anti-H), Mānavīya (navyonmatta) and Asaṅga, have revealed the depth and the power of the systems, which Gucchaka and Vakrās put in place for the pañcanetra-mleccha-s to closely monitor and control their own citizens. While not in the face, like that of the Han, it has the comparable capacity and only needed a willing player to exploit it to its fullest.
Against this backdrop, when Ardhakṛṣṇa became the lord of the mleccha-s, under his sympathetic rule, the navyonmatta-s started creeping forward aided by his dala. A key factor was the coming of age of the young students indoctrinated by professors in the universities into the newer strains of navyonmāda with prominent religious (c.f. the marūnmatta students from Gandhara in TSP madrasas — The Students). They were available to work for Ardhakṛṣṇa’s campaign and entered the śāsana upon his victory. In his kalevarā, they found their much-needed bodhisattva. With the first of these navyonmatta-s in the śāsana, they could now play filter and amplifier with their professors in the universities. They got more of their kind, while they punished and purged those who failed to fall in line in an alliance with the vālūkavatūla-s (see below). This creep leading to the control of the mainstream media, the academia, internet-social media-based big tech, and offices of the government (the deep state) was rather deep by the end of the reign of Ardhakṛṣṇa. They thought that they could easily usher in their preferred candidate Jārapatnī and establish their regime with their power. However, Mahāmleccha democracy actually worked, and Vijaya, also known as the Nāriṅgapuruṣa, became the mleccharāṭ. He tried to push back, but he was no Julian and full of his own insufficiencies and inexperience. Alarmed by his victory, the navyonmatta-s now went into high gear and used the Nāriṅgapuruṣa as an excuse for quickly pushing in their excesses. They used all their instruments to constantly hector the Nāriṅgapuruṣa and facilitated his ultimate uccāṭana by Piṇḍaka and his deputy Aṭṭahāsakī, who was an opportunistic adopter of navyonmāda and their front-end person.
Analyzing the rise of navyonmāda
Now, let us take a closer look at some of the aspects of the rise of navyonmāda among the Mahāmleccha. As noted before, when the Mahāmleccha became a superpower after their victory in WW2, the world was never more starkly divided into winners and losers. The natural resources of Krauñcadvīpa, together with the victory in war, paid dividends to them like nothing in recent history. As a result, the Mahāmleccha started building sprawling suburbs and zoomed around their vast frontier lands in their gas-guzzlers. This prosperity made them more and more detached from reality, and the myth of infinite “economic expansion” took root in them, making them blind to how unsustainable this was. This softened their elite, worsened their health, and also precipitated the decline of conventional ekarākṣasa religion in a section of their elite. This left them in need of other avenues for feeling a sense of “virtue” and piety. In our opinion, this psychological complex plowed the soil for navyonmāda to take root eventually.
As this was taking place over half a century, there were parallel developments in academia. The victory in WW2, the triumphs of the nuclear bomb, the shift of the epicenter of frontier physics from Śulapuruṣīya to Krauñcadvīpa, and James Watson’s role in the founding of molecular biology, made the Mahāmleccha academia emerge as a potent accreditation system. But over time, the myth of infinite expansion took root in these systems, turning them into pyramid schemes. One consequence of this was what some mleccha academics have termed “elite production”. Having spent a lot of time with mleccha academics, we can say that there are some very tāthāgatan qualities therein — a mix of a tendency for plagiarism and lack of attention to detail and subtlety. The result is the dominance of mediocre or half-baked models of understanding over more complete and nuanced ones. This is nowhere more starkly illustrated than the fake studies in psychology churned out by the dozen, replete with manufactured statistics. “Cancer biology” comes a close second furnished with photoshop artistry. This was mainly because a part of the expanding Mahāmleccha academia divorced itself from a test against the real world due to the fetish of “peer-review”. Here, research gets acclaimed due to publication in “high-profile” journals reviewed by peers rather than being a realistic description or nature or making predictions that proved to be correct. This was yet another fertilizer for the growth of navyonmāda — a system where one can get away with fancy beliefs without checking if they hold in the real world.
Indeed, this blindness to reality in navyonmāda’s priorities can be seen at many levels beyond the obvious. However, it is a kind of māyāvāda that not just takes the jagat to be mithyā but creates a mithyā-jagat of its own. Most plainly, it is seen in the denial of biological reality in the form of sex and race and its replacement with a celebration of pseudo-biological shape-shifting. However, this permeates more subtle matters too. On the economic front, the classic rudhironmatta-s went on endless harangues about economic unevenness in society and acted on it by killing or banishing the prosperous elite. In contrast, the navyonmatta-s do not rail much about the material; instead, they vent against something immaterial termed “privilege”, and their actions are aimed at eliminating those whom they perceive as privileged. The elite in normal societies either signaled their status or were accorded status due to either distribution of material possessions or their praxis of rituals. However, in navyonmatta society, the elite signal it via their beliefs and claims of purity therein (elite capture). In this aspect, they are remarkably similar to vālūkavatūla-s. A critical flashpoint for the māyāvāda of the navyomatta-s came with computers masquerading as phones and the internet becoming ubiquitous. This allowed commerce and social life to transition to a virtual electronic world, completing that sensation of a decoupling with reality, which the navyonmatta-s desired.
In such a system, the holders of the allowed beliefs rather than producers of work that passes real-life tests are magnified by shallow vanity articles as though they are the next bodhisattva-s on the block. Recently, we saw such an article on a navyonmatta human geneticist, who thoroughly mixes her science with the Nicene creed of navyonmāda, to provide that facade of objectivity to those in that pakṣa. A mix of such boosterism of particular types as role models and the sense of virtue from these beliefs takes the place of a key aspect of religion — the sense of belonging among the pious and a concomitant disdain for the impious. Thus, the new votary of navyonmāda, usually from a deracinated or shallow background, suddenly finds a new purpose in life by professing it. It provides for beliefs that touch the human need to feel justified and virtuous. These are often reinforced by actual mimicry of religious activities, such as rhythmic chanting of slogans against enemies (c.f. marūmatta-s stoning the “devil”), internalization of concepts such as the “power of the word”, great fear of taboo words, sacralized ethnicities and “martyrs”, marches resembling a religious procession, and community-building with opportunities for sexual encounters and “group therapy”.
Thus, the American university system slid from being institutions of accreditation to those of degeneration, furthering the capacity of navyonmāda to take over the systems. It was still not straightforward because there were still many academics who still had to give up common sense to adopt it. It breached this barrier through a series of steps. First, it evolved obfuscation of language, wherein common words were reused such that they meant something specific to the insider, whereas the outsider saw them in their ordinary sense as words of virtue. In old religions, for example, in the yoga tradition, words like gomāṃsa did not mean what the commoner might take them to mean. Here, the intention was to conceal secrets and repel the uninitiated (e.g., he may think a yoga text is recommending that he consume gomāṃsa and keep away from it). However, the intention of the navyonmatta-s was not repulsion but outright deception — it was to purposely obfuscate the uninitiated and unwittingly get them onboard with the navyonmāda project. This is rather comparable to Tathāgata redefining common religious words like trayi or ārṣa or sūkta (=sutta). Thus, the lay votary would not realize that the Buddha is subverting the religion and get sucked into the śaraṇa of the saṃgha. Thus, driven by the need to feel virtuous and pious, the mleccha liberal academics vigorously adopted and supported navyonmāda, even as unsuspecting lay ārya-s adopted the cult of the Buddha — after all who would want to reject something termed the way of the ārya-satya-s or dharma?
As they began winning votaries, they transitioned from a bauddha mode to the marūnmatta/pretonmatta mode of counter-religion. The academics who resisted navyonmāda, even left-liberals who had some commonsense left, were attacked by the mobs of navyonmatta-s, typically recruited from the frenzied student body. Some academics were kicked out of their institutions, others who were too powerful to evict were sidelined in public discourse, yet others converted under this pressure. The campus riots, like those of the American Spring (e.g., in Berkeley, a hothouse of navyonmāda), pushed the growing body of university administrators into submission to the demands of the self-righteous navyonmatta-s. The monoculture in academia allowed the capture of institutions founded on it like scientific and medical journals, which now amplified the message and pushed the credo onto young and impressionable minds. Those who sought accreditation from these bodies (academia and journals) had to now submit to the new religion, and the rest had to go silent like Thabit ibn Qurra.
In the next step, these newly minted young navyonmatta-s gushing out of the big-name universities flooded corporations and the government. Those who took navyonmāda lightly used to jocularly remark that when these indoctrinated students get a real job, they would be jolted out of their unmāda into reality. This might have indeed happened in the past with rudhironmāda, as we saw with our own classmates. However, here the reverse occurred. The navyonmatta-s captured and transformed the institutions they invaded. In the days of old rudhironmāda, they presented themselves in opposition to the “capitalist” corporations and “oppressive” government. However, navyonmatta was more agile and worked with the corporations — if the corporations paid them a jaziya and supported their demands they were more than happy to play along and support the corporations. This was an easy way for corporations to appear virtuous too. Like a king who might have committed sins in war, building a temple to expiate those, the corporations were more than happy to absolve themselves of capitalistic excesses by adopting navyonmāda themselves. The mahāduṣṭa-s like guggulu, Dvāra, Mukhagiri, Jaka and Bejha all adopted navyonmāda to differing degrees as a prāyaścitta while continuing to commit “capitalistic sins”. Thus, came about the marriage of these with navyonmāda, which would have been impossible under the old rudhironmāda, which would have attacked them for their wealth. A very real exhibition of this was the repainting of “the occupy movement” working under the old rudhironmāda premises to its new navyonmāda colors.
More sinister than even these was the māhāduṣṭa Sora, who had always channeled his money into navyonmāda being philosophically in union with it. He saw it as an opportunity to enact his grand political plans both among the Mahāmleccha and abroad, like in Bhārata. Among the Mahāmleccha, he saw navyonmāda as a potential private army to put his pakṣa headed by the vṛddha Piṇḍaka on the āsandi. In this, he was mostly aligned with other mahāduṣṭa-s. They got their golden chance when the pandemic lock-downs followed by some egregious acts of violence by daṇḍaka-s on kṛṣṇa-s caused a janakopa. This janakopa was quickly channelized by kālāmukha militant wing of the navyonmatta-s (c.f. the Mahāmlecchīya gardabha-pakṣa’s earlier militant — the ka-trayam deployed against kṛṣṇa-s). This provoked quick and correct action against them by the then mleccheśa, Nāriṅgapuruṣa. However, his effort was rendered toothless as the navyonmatta-s had subverted the deep-state and the Sorādi māhāduṣṭa-s used their riches to provide legal impunity to their kālāmukha rioters aided by the likes of Aṭṭahāsakī.
“Rus! Rus!” and Cīna-capeṭa
As navyonmāda’s priorities are not aligned with the real world, its adoption by the elite would eventually be hit by the real world. However, this does not mean a correction will be immediate, as illustrated by the Dark Ages in the Occident brought on by pretonmāda. With the sailing being smooth for the Mahāmleccha, the deep-state actors kept themselves busy going blue in the face, shouting, “Russia! Russia!”, even as the storm of the Middle Kingdom Corruption was brewing in the Orient. As the said corruption broke out of China, the Mahāmleccha were oblivious even to their own intelligence agencies; instead, they were busy in an internal conflict, with the deep-state and the gardabha-pakṣa trying to overthrow the Nāriṅgapuruṣa. Finally, when the Middle Kingdom Corruption reached the shores of Krauñcadvīpa, the gardabha-pakṣa was trying hard to prevent the appropriate steps from being taken to counter it. The compromised deep-state could not mobilize a proper supply of masks for the citizens or even guda-pramṛja-s for the mleccha-s to sanitize themselves. The result was a massive death toll, the full extent of which has definitely been under-reported. To top it all up, the mleccha-senānī betrayed his own boss, the Nāriṅgapuruṣa, to the cīna-s. Cīna-s saw an opportunity to hit hard at Mahāmleccha power using navyonmāda. Even as the navyonmatta-s disparaging their own constitution, the Cīna-dūta-s gave the mūlavātūla Nimeṣaka and the Mahāmleccha praṇidhipa as resounding slap right in their own den. However, lost in the world of their own making, they failed to wake up — Nimeṣaka was more concerned about flying navyonmāda’s Indracāpadhvaja-s at mleccha-dūtaśālā-s than managing the proper retreat of the mleccha-s from Gandhāra. As icing on the cake of their delusions, Piṇḍaka and Nimeṣaka declared that they had conducted a great operation to kill dreaded ghazi-s of the Khilafat and avenge the death of their baṭa-s, when in reality they killed a bunch of children of one of their own marūmatta friends.
In contrast, emperor Xi proceeded with strengthening the Cīna-s. He lied his way through the Middle Kingdom Corruption, even as the rest of the world was tied down by it. He delivered a definitive punch to the restive vālūkavatūla-s, whom the Han had earlier subjugated. He was able to move ahead with testing hypersonic missiles supposedly. Notably, he was above to exploit the navyonmatta movements, like the kṛṣṇajīvāndolana, to aid the overthrow of the antagonistic Vijaya-nāma-vyāpārin and bring the pliable Piṇḍaka on the āsandi — it is notable how the Cīna-s colluded with the tech-duṣṭa-s to silence any discussion on Vyādha-piṇḍaka and his yantra. The cīna-s have other assets. First, their penetration of the Occidental academia via Galtonism is incredibly deep. Thus, mleccha academics bat for their interests, provide them with cutting-edge knowledge, and might even obtain funds for their research which might ultimately be to the detriment of the mleccha-s themselves. This also provides them a conduit to slip in their spaś-es as students. Second, they have cultivated assets among the big-tech duṣṭa-s, e.g., Mukhagiri is their jāmātṛ who originally courted them before they broke up with him. Perhaps, even the break was not of his own accord but due to the pressure from the mleccha side. Finally, since the mleccha big-tech depends on delivering cheap opiates to the masses, the cīna-s hold them by their balls by controlling manufacturing. Thus, as big-tech takes control of the Mahāmleccha as the de facto government (something which will accelerate with the strides being taken in machine learning and other areas of computing, which in turn have been made effective by the more than two decades of data the masses have supplied them), the leverage on them that the cīna-s have, coupled with their immunity from them, would allow them to use navyonmāda as a potent weapon.
Onward to Bhārata
All unmāda-s, the old counter-religions, and their new secular mutants see the dharma as their natural enemy — what Viṣṇuśarman would term svabhāvavairam. The one area where this is manifest is the hatred for the brāhmaṇa-s and functional H systems. Those among the mleccha-s and their sipāhi-s who fight for the so-called “enlightenment values” (the older delusion) hate the H as they offer a robust and likely superior alternative to their system. This threatens to undermine their truth-claim that they have found the only true formula that succeeded due to being good rather than being enforced by the smoking end of the nālika. Across the mleccha elite, some of the predictions of the evolutionary theory for Homo sapiens are fundamentally incompatible with their cherished beliefs. Thus, the majority of Occidental scientists (across ideological camps) focusing on its study slip into denialism on one or the other matter. Both the “Western values” types and those who fight for navyonmāda are terrified by the fact that H succeeded because they created a system that instinctively acknowledges the pulls of biology, i.e., human nature, on social structure. Thus, Bhārata is the one frontier where there is an alignment of the enemies. Paradoxically, while navyonmāda fights pretonmāda and “enlightenment values” in the Occident, in Bhārata, these align for the break up the H. In contrast, marūnmāda-navyonmāda alliance will be strong in both India and the West. Hence, we predict that given the intrinsic lack of fecundity in navyonmāda due to celebration of biology-denial it will end up aiding marūnmāda in Bhārata.
Historically, H have had to deal with the preta-maru-rudhira triad — while there have been the classic heathen failures against these, at least they were recognized as such by a large fraction of the elite. In contrast, the capacity to recognize navyonmāda is even lower, as can be seen from the fact that even pro-H government circles so quickly and willingly propagate navyonmāda memes. This has also meant that the H elite have adopted navyonmāda memes to differing degrees. The secular elite constantly bombard the impressionable with navyonmāda packaged within opiates such as spectator sports, product advertisement and cinema, as if they were distributing adulterated heroin. Moreover, navyonmāda is also “safe for use” even for Cīna subversion operations in Bhārata. In particular, government adoption of navyonmāda memes would result in undermining the H army. This is something the Cīna-s badly want because despite all their show of tech, they have a dearth of young men needed to fight wars. On this front, the H still hold an upper hand, but if, like the Mahāmleccha, they decided to adopt navyonmāda, they could easily ruin their senā on top of having a tech gap with respect to the mleccha-s and Cīna-s. We have indeed seen evidence for mass deployment of navyonmāda by both Sorādi-duṣṭa-s and cīna-s — the CAA riots, the various khaṇḍa-jāti riots, the kīnāśa-uśnīśa-riots and Dravidianism — over the past few years. Hence, to cut the chase, we argue that the rise of navyonmāda has not only greatly multiplied the H’s threats in Bhārata and abroad but could be an existential threat.
This essay builds on an earlier one, which overlaps in scope, filing in some historical details.