The ways of the fierce gods are not easy for men to comprehend with their finite lives. A course of five years might seem like nothing in historical time, but the dice rolled by the gods in that window could change both the life of a man and the history of a nation. Five years ago, little did we know the Wuhan disease was on the horizon to irreversibly change the lives of many. Some who were seemingly well then were consumed by the disease, and their very existence was entirely forgotten. There were going to be other casts of the dice that would irrevocably afflict some while elevating others to great heights. The elections of 2019 and 2024 bracketed these events. The former saw the unmistakable triumph of the Lāṭapuruṣa, while the latter saw his fortunes wobble. In the same time frame, among the mahāmleccha-s, Picchilaka was overthrown by the Sora-śaṇḍa-conjoined Deep State and replaced by the pliable Piṇḍaka. By plying his rubber stamp, the Deep State, for the first time adhering to the new religion of Navyonmāda, could now turn the still formidable mleccha war machine against the Rūs while undermining their own people who back Picchilaka. While we normally do not expend thought and words on the minutiae of electoral politics, we believe the current events are worth some general comments.
The Hindu religion and mindset ultimately has its roots in the Eurasiatic steppes, from where their old Indo-European ancestors explosively expanded to found a multitude of nations in outer Eurasia through some of the most spectacular conquests in human history. While many of the modern H elite nuttily deny their steppe roots, its imprints are still seen to date on H, as they were on the mobile court of emperor Harṣavardhana in the Indian “Golden Age”. While having many positives, these imprints come with certain ambivalent attributes: 1. A high level of idiosyncrasy; 2. An underappreciation of the need to hold geographically contained space for the nation; 3. An underappreciation of the transmission of the lessons of history; 4. Privileging local conflicts with ari-s over global considerations that are key to the survival of the nation. These, when coupled with issues of human cognitive capital and a politics driven principally by a continuous series of elections, result in the H never being able to consolidate power to ensure their survival in the face of assaults from hostile forces — Ekarākṣasonmatta-s, Cīna-s and Mleccha-s cleaving to the newer mutations of the old Abrahmonmāda-s. Thus, H, while showing sparks of brilliance, are never taken seriously as “superpower” contenders. Instead, they are left struggling for survival from election to election.
Hence, some among the H have felt that their main problem was the unthinking adoption of democracy (typically termed “dumbocracy”). However, we do not go that far — not because we fetishize democracy like many in the Occident, but because we are pragmatists — working with what we have at hand tends to get you farther than hankering after ideal worlds in the ether that cannot be reached with your existing wherewithal. We do see the problem of democracy operating in masses with a certain mean IQ; however, we are also keenly cognizant of the need to change tyrannical regimes without a huge human cost. Hence, it is best that we work with what we have. That said, one cannot but feel pain about the contorted implementation we have been saddled with as a result of unthinkingly imitating the system of our erstwhile English conquerors (down to the thing named the Rājyasabhā without any Rājanya-s or sacerdotal monarchy the English enjoy). While it has so far cut both ways, we entirely realize that going forward, it could cut only one way, i.e., to the detriment of the H. Looking back, at least it helped remove the disastrous Kangress regime of the UPA governments that ruined the nation between 2004-2014. However, by the same token, we are just one election away from a bigger ruination from the same forces morphed into something even worse than the original UPA. This would play out against the backdrop of something we term the “nirṇaya” (to be elaborated a bit below) coming from the Ekarākṣasonmatta forces.
To understand the situation we are in, we will briefly rehash the events over the past three decades, aspects of which we have covered in greater detail on these pages. The rise of Hindu consciousness in the 1990s following the disastrous phase of instability allowed a more Hindu-aligned NDA government to come to power (we do understand that it was not perfect, but what the “purists” fail to realize is something is better than nothing). This raised alarms among the mleccha powers because they correctly realized that it was a sign of the awakening of the “soul” of India, which is essentially H and not secular or Abrahamistic. They greatly feared this as it would mean that India might, after all, find its way again and pose a threat to their very identity, which is based on Abrahamistic monotheism and its mutations. This is also the foundation of the mleccha-marūnmattābhisaṃdhi, which they had previously used on multiple occasions against the Rūs (at least going back to old alliances with Ḳānūnī Sulṭān Süleymān) and by extension against the Indian state (the support for TSP and uṣnīṣamoha terrorism against H). Thus, predictably, the mleccha-s came to the aid of the marūnmatta-s when the Lāṭeśvara acted defensively against their terrorism in Lāṭa. They probably assisted the UPA as it came to power following the fall of the first NDA government. It was around this time the great left-liberal makeover of the American Deep State to align with the new Bodhisattva, Ardhakṛṣṇa, was underway. UPA was a perfect foil for them to push anti-H machinations in Bhārata and undermine any rise of H power. However, to their disappointment, the same democratic process brought the very Lāṭapa they had sanctioned and debarred from entering their lands as the lord of India. This period coincided with the capture of the Gardabhin-s among the mahāmleccha and their EU allies by the left-liberal ādimoha rākṣasa-s, chiefly Sora, but also the Pṛṣṭhaka-kula, Phuka and Gāyaka among others. For these, the very existence of H power is antithetical to their worldview. Hence, the destruction of anything that even vaguely supports H power is high on their agenda. Thus, even before the elections, they ran an anti-Lāṭeśa press campaign but at every turn met with failure.
Seeing that they could not directly dent the Lāteśa, now firmly seated as Dillīśvara, they instead opted to work on: 1. Purchasing his rivals, the Kangress, the Broom, and others; returning to their old tactic of funding those who had diverged from the dharma and hence prone to act against the Indian state. After all, the farther a cult moves away from the core tenets of sanātana-dharma, the more likely it wishes harm to the Indian state; 3. Placing plants in the judicial system who further their ideology (the chief among them being Moonśūte); 4. Fishing among the (ex-)depressed classes to foment trouble. 5. Their time-tested backing of the marūnmatta-s. We saw the major outbreaks of these strategies in the form of the anti-CAA riots and the fake-annadātṛ riots in the vicinity of Indraprastha and elsewhere (preta-backed riots in the Northeast). It was key for the Sora-śaṇḍa-senā to ensure that the Lāṭapati didn’t get a third term, and they tried to extend these strategies towards that goal. The Lāteśa’s party lacks a strong intellectual foundation in terms of analysis of the problems of India beyond the superficial. The constraints of electoral politics also imply that they can only do “that much” in a given cycle dotted with constant local elections and their vicissitudes. These, coupled with the lack of global geopolitical vision in the electorate, meant that their victory was by no means guaranteed. Hence, despite many assurances to the contrary, our intuition kept telling us that they might not fare too well. After a grueling election season lasting almost a month and a half, that was indeed the outcome. The Lāṭeśa returned to power but not without a serious wobble, making him dependent on coalition partners of dubious reputation, like the Āndhra and the Māgadha.
We have no intention of engaging in a deep psephological dissection of what happened in this election. We know that it is of great interest or even an entertainment for many H but it has only minimally interested us. We also know that H tend to swing between extremes: for some, the BJP could do nothing wrong, and all their actions are seen as calculated maneuvers in an n-D hyperspace that the lesser mortals cannot perceive. While we admit that the government has intelligence inputs the lay mortals lack, we do not believe that they have any deep plan in an n-D parametric space. The reason we hold this view is that all prior analysis going back to the V
Rather than delving any further into the above, we wish to conclude by exploring the consequences of this key election. First and foremost, we hold that for the good of H, we need the Mauryan ideal: an expansive, powerful, centralized pro-H state (we would prefer an outright H state, but we don’t have that) that can, on one hand, smash regionalism and linguistic sub-nationalism and on the other present a face against Ekarākṣasonmāda-s, their secular mutations and half-digested adaptations — in short any state that approximates an H sāṃrājya. Whatever one thinks of the BJP, it is the only party that can, at some level, approximate such a state in the current landscape. The results of this election plainly indicate that things have sadly moved even farther from that. While we may have dodged the bullet in the very near term, this situation only tightens the maneuvering space leading up to the nirṇaya. We see the following problems: 1. It is going to get harder for the Lāṭeśvara to introduce more overtly pro-H moves. Many say that was never the intention of the BJP, but remember, we can only work with what we have, and hence, everything should be seen as an approximation rather than an exact solution. Most chest-thumpers do not understand the might of the mleccha-marūnmatta-paṭṭa-nīladrāpeya-dūṣaka-s to disrupt peace in the country – evidently, a major factor limiting decisive government action to enhance H power. 2. The results have taken some of the sheen off the Lāṭapuruṣa, somewhat similar to the setback faced by the nonagenarian Saindhava he replaced. This seriously impacts the effort going into critical future elections as the nirṇaya draws close. 3. This wobble gives the Lāṭarāṭ even less space for fostering suitable successors for a seamless transition once he superannuates. Politics is a human endeavor; thus, while institutions matter, its best and most natural expression is the cult of personality. The whole edifice of the BJP has run on the personality of the Dillīśvara from Lāṭānarta. This has meant that the selection of a suitable successor is a major challenge for the party. As far as we can tell, there is hardly anyone in the younger generation combining his electoral skills, personality, and nationalism. Under these circumstances, we do not have a path for a natural successor to correct the dent he has suffered (as he succeeded the nonagenarian), giving greater hope for the Sora-śaṇḍa-backed rivals. 4. One man who has been consistently named by many as a successor for the Lāṭapa has been the mahānt-jī. While we do not blame him for the party’s poor performance in Uttar Pradesh, it cannot be missed that the wobble was primarily due to the slippage in the Gangetic Doab. For some reason, we have had an intuition that the Saṃnyāsin will probably not be the successor. We feel that might indeed turn out to be true, and he might not recover to be in contention as a successor to the Lāṭarāṭ. This further diminishes the chances of a more H-oriented turn going forward and provides a boost for the evils of secularism.
What this means is a quicker slide towards the nirṇaya. The demographic reality from differential fertility, urbanization and consolidation of the ekarākṣasonmatta-s has implied that at some point in the next 50 years, the H will face a decisive event that will seriously impact their survival. It could take many forms: 1. Destabilization of the Indian state with huge loss of life to H; 2. Further partitions/breakup of the country with the creation of Abrahamistic enclaves where H will be removed; 3. Civil war or major civil disruptions to the disadvantage of the H. These wars could be augmented by attacks from the Islamo-Christian flanks, Navyonmāda, Paṭṭaroga, Nīladrāpeya-s, and the Cīna-s. 4. Death by whimper where H lose power in many key urban centers. The H will be engaged in delicate and nuanced debates on governance, the hypocrisy of those in power, mullāvāda and its street veto, comparisons of the Lāteśvara’s long reign to the new dispensations and the like when this nirṇaya will come on them like a pre-monsoon storm. H will not want any of this and will be willing to compromise with the enemy to avoid such disruptions. However, given the nature of Ekarākṣasonmāda, this decision will not be with the H but will be forced upon them (hence nirṇaya). Whichever the scenario, it will result in considerable weakening or damage to the Indian state and threaten the very existence of H civilization unless, by some extraordinary luck, they emerge victorious over their enemies. These could also synergize with non-conflict troubles such as aging elites, serious environmental degradation with high summer temperatures, and water and energy shortages.
We believe that the wobble of the Lāṭapuruṣa has unfortunately made this nirṇaya even more proximate than otherwise and has reduced to wiggle-room to attenuate its effects or configure things more favorably for an H victory. We predict that it would start with: 1. the sora-śaṇḍa reviving the assault on the H state via Paṭṭa-roga and the Nīladrāpeya (this prediction is already playing out within 24 hours of making it). 2. The Laṭapati might not be able to firmly deal with them due to the need to hold on to the Āndhra and the Māgadha to stay afloat. 3. He might expend his “capital” on useless things that would not benefit the H, like an attempt to implement something like the UCC! 4. Without a good successor, the famed Indian democracy will run its course in the next round paving the way for those who will open the way for the nirṇaya. All it would take is one electoral victory for the Soraśaṇḍa-backed alliance. Whereas the BJP would drag its foot out of fear of the mleccha and marūnmatta, supported by those two, the alliance could nearly permanently undo everything the NDA achieved in its three terms. With the H thus softened, the nirṇaya will strike them like a hammer blow to the head. Of course, we hope we are wrong, but barring a scenario we do not want to dilate on in public, we have to be prepared for the big blowup.
mAnasa-taraMgiNI 